“I Never Sought A Third Term” — Obasanjo Denies Allegations, Compares It To Debt Relief Feat At 2025 Democracy Dialogue

Former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo has broken his silence on long-standing allegations of seeking a third term in office, firmly denying the claims during a candid session at the 2025 Goodluck Jonathan Foundation Annual Democracy Dialogue. Held in Accra, Ghana, under the theme “What Makes Democracy Die?”, the event brought together African leaders, scholars, and activists to dissect the continent’s democratic challenges. Addressing the rumors head-on, Obasanjo asserted that he never pursued an extension beyond his two terms (1999–2007), comparing it to his successful push for Nigeria’s debt relief, which he described as a far tougher feat.

The dialogue, an annual initiative by former President Goodluck Jonathan to foster discussions on democracy’s evolution, featured Obasanjo as a keynote participant alongside Ghana’s former Electoral Commission Chair Charlotte Osei and other dignitaries. Moderated by a panel referencing Bishop Matthew Kukah’s earlier presentation, the session delved into personal anecdotes, critiques of Western liberal democracy, and calls for African-centric reforms. Obasanjo’s remarks, laced with humor and introspection, underscored his belief that democracy is “not a destination but a journey,” requiring constant dialogue and adaptation.

In response to questions about his alleged third-term bid rumors fueled by a failed 2006 constitutional amendment attempt Obasanjo stated unequivocally: “I think I’m not a fool. If I wanted a third term, I know how to go about it. And there’s no Nigerian, dead or alive, that will say I called him, I told him I wanted the third term. None.” He emphasized his track record: “If I wanted to get debt relief, which is more difficult than getting a third term, and I got it. If I wanted a third term, I would have gotten it.”

Affectionately referred to as “Baba” during the event, Obasanjo shared poignant reflections on his tumultuous political journey. At 38, he became Nigeria’s military head of state in 1976 following Murtala Muhammed’s assassination, handing over power to a civilian government in 1979 at age 42. He recounted his imprisonment under General Sani Abacha in the 1990s, where he was sentenced to death alongside others: “He [Abacha] said to a number of people that three of us are in detention or in prison, and three of us will never come out alive. Two didn’t come out. I’m not mocking them; I’m just saying the grace of God. I was the only one who came out.”

Released after Abacha’s death in 1998, Obasanjo was elected president in 1999. While in prison, he maintained faith: “I believe I will come out of prison alive. I believe the man who put me in prison will not be the one that will release me. But how it will happen, I never knew.” He credited divine intervention and dismissed non-democratic rule, drawing from his victimhood under dictatorship.

Obasanjo argued that Western liberal democracy, inherited from colonial powers, often clashes with African traditions: “In almost all African languages that I have looked into, opposition is enemy. How can you talk of loyal enemy? What do you do with your enemy? You crush him.” He contrasted this with African consensus-building: “In Africa, we never talk of government and opposition. We meet, we talk, and we reach consensus, and then we go out together and implement.”

He called for reforms in three areas: context (adapting to African pluralism and diversity), content (addressing low voter turnout, winner-takes-all systems, and gender exclusion), and practice (focusing on pre- and post-election processes). Citing low participation—where a winner might secure only 12% of the population’s mandate—he questioned: “What is the democracy in that? Government of the people, by the people, for the people?”

Obasanjo also criticized corruption beyond finances, including electoral manipulations, and shared global anecdotes: even in Britain, dead people reportedly vote, and leaders like Rishi Sunak rise without direct elections. He urged rethinking inherited systems: “If these are the ways that those who gave us this Western liberal democracy are thinking, they are interrogating what they have. Shouldn’t we be rethinking?”

On leadership, he advised young African presidents: “There is life after the state house.” At 88, he enjoys post-presidency life and suggested the African Union (AU) provide support for former leaders offices, secretaries, and roles like memoir-writing or lecturing—to prevent idleness or frustration. He recounted intervening for former Beninese President Yayi Boni under house arrest, involving trips to Paris and calls to Rwanda’s Paul Kagame.

Charlotte Osei, appointed Ghana’s first female Electoral Commission Chair in 2015 at age 46, shared the personal toll of her role: sexism, ageism, and threats to her family. “It was not a job for a female,” she recalled hearing, even from her father. Attacks included mobs surrounding her father’s house, but she remained steadfast: “If they say do it and it’s not in line with the law, it’s an easy answer. I wouldn’t do it.”

Osei highlighted a global leadership crisis, exacerbated in Africa by weak institutions enabling “strong men.” She cited democracy backsliding through constitutional manipulations, flawed elections, and civic space closures, fueling youth frustration: “51% of Ghanaians think that where there’s abuse of elected power, a coup d’état is the solution.” She urged stronger regional bodies like ECOWAS and the AU to condemn manipulations as vocally as coups.

Former Anambra Governor Peter Obi, in a brief intervention, emphasized exemplary leadership within term limits: “If the term is two years, serve two years and go. Another person will come and continue.”

Goodluck Jonathan, the host, reflected on electoral credibility, sharing a story about George W. Bush praising a fair election after Jonathan’s daughter lost a senatorial bid. He stressed inclusive “democracy dividends” post-elections.

The session closed with appeals for solidarity with democracy advocates in Sahel regions like Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, many imprisoned or exiled. A Liberian speaker, as House of Representatives head, urged commitments to transparency and inclusion.

Participants, including Jonathan, praised Obasanjo as “the father of Africa” for his practitioner insights. The dialogue underscored democracy’s fragility, with Obasanjo warning: “Any human institution can die.” As Africa grapples with coups and manipulations, the event called for reforms rooted in inclusion, character, and African values to prevent democracy’s demise.

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